England's responsibility for the violence in the
Middle East
The parlous condition of the Jewish people over
a large part of the known world, and particularly in such countries as Germany, Poland and Rumania,
has called increasing attention to the workings of the Mandate for Palestine now administered by Great Britain under the authority of the League of Nations. The Mandate, when
it was written, as well as the antecedent Balfour Declaration, clearly
contemplated that the "home" to be established in Palestine was intended for the whole Jewish people
who were to be established there by international sanction in the future.
The intention was to provide a sane and reasonable solution to the age-old
Jewish Diaspora problem, and it anticipated those circumstances which have
rendered so large a portion of the Jewish race homeless.
If this was indeed the purpose of the Mandate
it has proved a miserable failure, since it has solved nothing and has only
succeeded in adding a new and formidable problem to a world already sinking
under the weight of problems. Many reasons are adduced for this failure. Much
is made of the irreconcilable differences between Arabs and Jews, instigated by
the British, which the mandatory now claims render the Mandate unworkable.
The circumstances under which the Balfour
Declaration and Mandate were issued. Napolean Bonaparte in 1799 offered The
Jews in Palestine to reestablish the Jewish Home in Palestine . The false assertion
that the Declaration was extorted from an unwilling Britain by Jewish financiers during the War can be
obviously disposed of as a pure invention of the anti-Semitic mind. Another and
more reasonable claim made to justify Britain's
position in this matter is that she was totally ignorant of the real conditions
in Palestine and the actual problems she was
letting herself
in for when she made her bargain with the Jews;
Britain renaged abd violated the terms of the Mandate; furtheremore, behind the
scenes Britain encouraged Arab riots and violence against the Jews in Palestine
and turned a blind eye while hundreds of thousands of Arabs entered Palestine
from other Arab Lands. Under examination this contention loses much of its
plausibility. For a hundred years Zionism, as we shall see, had been almost as
much an English movement as it was a purely Jewish one. As for local conditions
in Palestine , it is undoubted that
British officialdom knew more about Arab social and economic problems than the
Jews aspiring to settle there. From the time the American scholar Robinson
attempted to explore archaeological remains in the Holy Landin 1837, London has, through the Palestine Exploration Fund, concentrated on the
study of every minute detail that related to Palestine.
"Theirs," state De Haas and Wise, "were the surveys, the
compilation of flora and fauna, theirs too the enumeration and localization of
the Bedouin tribes; theirs the studies in local conditions, the compilation of
customs and excise, estimates of population, speculation as to the origins of
peoples, observations on everything that relates to the area between the River of Egypt and the cedars of Lebanon." 1
Reaching far back into the 1840's, Lord Palmerston had compiled for his
Government thorough material on Palestine,
considering the possibility of exercising a British protectorate over that
region in the Jewish interests. Since that time the accumulation has been so
vast that it is only fair to say that the British archives contain a better
survey of Arab social, economic, agricultural and other problems than the Arabs
have of themselves.
As for the Balfour Declaration itself, it may
be assumed that Lord Balfour, its author is an infallible witness to its
intended purpose.
He wrote: "The national and international
status of the Jews to that of other races . . . would be promoted by giving
them that which all other nations possess: a local habitation and a national
home . . . [where] they would bear corporate responsibilities and enjoy
corporate duties of a kind which, from the nature of the case, they can never
possess as citizens of any non-Jewish state." 2 It will be evident from
the records that neither the Declaration nor the Mandate confers upon non-Jews
any rights which would allow them to interfere with the growth and operation of
the National Home. It is obvious that if these documents were to be interpreted
so as to include National Home rights to legally present non-Jews, both the
National Home grant to the Jews and the rights of non-Jews would be repealed by
implication. The document would then repeal itself, which on the face of it
would be a reduction ad absurdum.
As will also be seen from these pages, British
trusteeship of the Holy Land was the result of Jewish demand itself,
Wedgwood admitting rather shamefacedly in this respect that the Jews were
"almost the only non-Anglo-Saxon people who seem to believe that on the
whole England does try to behave decently towards other
people." Although history has proven otherwise. The French offered to take
over the Mandate for Palestine , which might have
produced a better result. 3
The records prove beyond any doubt; that, the
British Mandatory for Palestine has followed a deliberate violation of
the Mandate terms and defaulting British policy in respect to its obligations
there, and has itself largely created the conditions which it now so thoroughly
decries. A large share of its biased policies have been motivated entirely by
British power politics in the Mediterranean,
in which the British Mandate was used for the purpose of surrounding British
Imperial strategy in the Middle East with the aura of sanctity. A factor of
even greater importance, however, is the gross anti-Semitism of a handful of
civil servants in the bureaus of Whitehall and Westminster , which exists to these
days 2016. It is to the phobia of these men against Jews that most of the
troubles agitating the
It lies icily beneath the shining hardness of
bureaucratic logic.
It is overlaid with the softness of English
colonial skill - but, as we shall discover, it is in no sense less intense, and
fully as implacable, as the open anti-Semitism of the Nazis on the Continent.
This, briefly, will be found to be the
underlying condition which hides beneath the maze of pretension by which London has consistently and falsely justified its bad
faith to the Jews and to the world. It is this factor which has caused the
declared policy of the British Mandate to fail so ignominiously and which has allowed
the Holy Land in these past years to be given over
to Arab hooligans and desperadoes who have murdered its citizens, burned its
crops and houses and demoralized its commerce.
The records are voluminous. The Arabs received
over five million square miles of territory after WWI, which established 22
Arab states. It is interesting to note that the Arab Land have terrorized and
expelled over a million Jewish families from the Arab countries; they
confiscated all their assets; businesses, homes and over 70,000 square miles of
Jewish owned land. The Jews have lived in the Arab lands for over 2500
years. Most of the expelled Jews have been resettled in Israel and today comprise
over half the population.
NO JEW HAS THE RIGHT TO GIVE UP
ReplyDelete(Eretz Yisrael) THE LAND OF ISRAEL
By David Ben Gurion
"No Jew has the right to yield the rights of the Jewish People in Israel. No Jew has the authority to do so. No Jewish body has the authority to do so. Not even the entire Jewish People alive today has the right to yield any part of Israel.
It is the right of the Jewish People over the generations, a right that under no conditions can be cancelled. Even if Jews during a specific period proclaim they are relinquishing this right, they have neither the power nor the authority to deny it to future generations. No concession of this type is binding or obligates the Jewish People.
Our right to the country - the entire country - exists as an eternal right, and we shall not yield this historic right until its full and complete redemption is realized."
This quotation of David Ben Gurion made at the Zionist Congress in Basel, Switzerland in 1937, more than 65 years ago. At the Freeman Center, we quote this profound statement often.